一 | 2026年中国电影市场最让人“看不懂”的一幕，正在上演。
二 | TIJUANA, Mexico -- It’s Sunday night and Crystal P. Lira is not answering her messages. Inside the headquarters of Colectiva Bloodys y Projects, an organization that has supported reproductive rights near the U.S.-Mexico border since 2016, her only concern is for the woman she has provided with a safe space to get an abortion.Lira, who lives in Tijuana, in northern Mexico, is one among dozens of Mexican “acompañantes" — volunteers who support women wanting to terminate a pregnancy. Located all over the country, most acompañantes offer virtual guidance through an abortion protocol in which no clinics or prescriptions are needed.Developed by activists after decades of facing abortion bans and restrictions in most of Mexico’s 32 states, the protocol encourages women to trust self-managed medication abortions following guidelines established by the World Health Organization.“Accompaniment means that we facilitate information, medications and everything a woman needs to get a safe abortion at home,” Lira said. “But we also provide emotional support and support to fight stigma, religious and cultural barriers.”Mexico’s Supreme Court recently ruled that national laws prohibiting abortions are unconstitutional and violate women’s rights. The ruling, which extended Latin American’s trend of widening abortion access, happened a year after the court’s U.S. counterpart went in the opposite direction.The Mexican decision did not have the same immediate impact as Roe v. Wade, the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court ruling guaranteeing women’s access to abortion on a nationwide basis.Although the Mexican ruling orders the removal of abortion from the federal penal code and requires federal health institutions to offer the procedure to anyone who requests it, further state-by-state legal work will be needed to remove all penalties.“The court did not give a direct instruction to any local congress, but it sends a very clear signal of what congresses have to do,” said Sofia Aguiar, a lawyer at the Information Group for Chosen Reproduction, known by its Spanish initials GIRE.For now, 20 Mexican states still criminalize abortion.In Baja California, where Tijuana is located, abortion was decriminalized in 2021. By then, Lira had already gained five years’ experience as an acompañante.“Ahead of starting an abortion network, I questioned myself: How did I get to this point? Why did I live what I lived, and what could have been different?” she said.In 2012, Lira faced an unwanted pregnancy. “I didn’t know what to do, where to look for help,” she said.On the recommendation of a friend, and due to her hometown’s proximity to the U.S. border, Lira made an appointment at a Planned Parenthood clinic in San Diego. She traveled back home with pills and a debt of $600 that she paid for her abortion.Three years later, deeply conflicted by the inequality in abortion access, she became an activist and received training to become an acompañante.“The easiest part was learning the abortion protocol,” she said. “The toughest was acquiring a political perspective, understanding how abortions are based on rights and freedom.”Many reject her views in Mexico, a predominantly Catholic country.Soon after the court’s ruling in early September, former actor and right-wing activist Eduardo Verástegui announced he will seek the presidency on an anti-abortion platform. “Say ‘yes’ to life and ‘no’ to abortion,” he has said, echoed by his followers. Without mentioning him by name, the Catholic archbishop of Mexico City, Carlos Aguiar Retes, recently advocated voting for Verástegui in the 2024 election, and some Catholic, evangelical and anti-abortion groups have publicly supported him as well.“We think it’s good to have a character like him,” said Rodrigo Iván Cortés, director of the National Family Front, an anti-abortion group. “He’s explicit about defending life and family.”Abortion activists were not surprised by the conservative response to the court’s ruling. “Historically, every progressive movement is followed by a setback from groups that organize against it,” said Aguiar from GIRE. “We saw it in the United States.”Aguiar and her colleagues plan to keep advocating for reproductive rights. “We will continue working on issues like obstetric violence, maternal death and forced contraception,” Aguiar said.At Colectiva Bloodys y Projects, Lira has plans of her own.With a colleague who recently moved to San Diego, they hope to replicate some of their abortion strategies in California. “We want to migrate our perspectives,” Lira said. “To lead informative brigades and communicate that we can provide pills for those who can’t access abortion medication there.”It’s no coincidence that Lira’s views are influenced by migration. The surge of migrants approaching the U.S. border, traveling from Colombia through the Darién jungle and moving up through Central America into Mexico, could approach 500,000 this year.Venezuelans, Salvadorans, Haitians and Mexicans — internally displaced by violence — are among those who migrate by trains, buses and on foot. Along the way, thousands are victims of robbery, human trafficking and sexual abuse.“We’ve been seeing women who suffer a lot of violence on their way to the United States,” Lira said.Some migrants who wish to terminate their pregnancies contact them directly and others are channeled through shelters or midwives. “We have realized the need to support these women. … They experience violence, especially sexual, and need abortions,” said Minerva, another member of Colectiva Bloodys y Projects. For security reasons, she spoke on condition she be identified only by her first name.Access to medication and a private space to get a self-managed abortion are particularly difficult for migrants, who can spend several months in shelters on the border.“We want to accompany them,” Lira said. “But abortion access is just the tip of the iceberg. We expect to share key information for their physical and mental health.”Joining forces with a local organization focused on reproductive health, Lira and activist Monica Rosas will offer an informative workshop on fertility and the reproductive cycle by mid-October at a church-affiliated shelter where up to 1,700 migrants are currently waiting to enter the U.S.“We will create a space for self-knowledge as a tribe,” Rosas said.The program includes body literacy — naming parts of the anatomy free of taboos — and dances to celebrate the female body.“We would love for these women who are passing through, waiting for an opportunity to cross, to carry this information with them,” Lira said. “Our bodies are powerful and, if we know them, that can help us reach our own identity.”___Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.。 一部上映9天票房仅7169元、观影人次只有236人的动画片，一夜之间排片从个位数飙升至上万场，单日票房突破600万元。8月20日，累计票房已突破3000万元；更有机构预测最终票房高达1.35亿元。 更令人意外的是，这波热度甚至蔓延至资本市场，带动“金牛化工”等“牛字辈”个股上涨，并在电商平台催生了销量突破8000单的“丑牛”公仔周边。 但这并非一部电影的成功。 《牛来》的火爆，与作品本身的质量形成了诡异的背离。其出品方大连璟园文化影视传媒有限公司，前身竟是一家装修公司。全片86分钟，建模粗糙、动作僵硬，被网友形容为“新手3D作业”。
三 | 海报上意境悠远的水墨国风与正片简陋的画面形成巨大反差，成了社交平台上热议的内容素材。
四 | 有观众驱车30公里，只为亲眼见证“历史”。上海一家影院，普通工作日夜间场次，46个座位坐满41人。北京多家影院出现满座。影院里笑声与屏摄齐飞，根本无人讲究所谓观影礼仪。 观众消费的，从来不是银幕上的《牛来》，而是网络二创出的那个“牛来”。 更准确地说，他们消费的是一种参与感。正如一位观众在朋友圈所言，“重点是一群人看的感觉。”花几十块钱，买一场集体爆笑，买陌生人一起放肆吐槽的默契，情绪价值拉满。 《牛来》的走红，是情绪经济快速发展的一个缩影。 近年来，越来越多的消费者愿意为情绪体验支付溢价。相关机构预测，情绪经济市场规模从2022年的1.6万亿升至2025年的2.7万亿，预计2026年突破3万亿，增速约为社会消费品零售总额的5倍。 过去看电影，人们买的是故事、视效、表演。现在，越来越多的人愿意为“解压”“猎奇”“社交谈资”“集体狂欢”买单。《牛来》这种坦诚到笨拙的“烂”，反而提供了一种零负担的快乐和解压方式。 这种消费逻辑的变化，深刻重塑着众多行业的定价权和竞争格局。消费者不再仅仅为功能付费，而是为体验感买单。
五 | 《牛来》的爆红，还有一层更深的意味。那就是所谓的“行业寒冬”，不过是劣质内容在精美包装下滥竽充数所招致的必然结果。市场从不缺温度，缺的只是对残次品的零容忍。 互联网最爱的是意外，不是套路。 有评论将其称为“用冥币驱逐劣币”，但这不是健康的产业模式，更像是一场集体行为艺术对既有行业现象的嘲讽。情绪可以引爆一部电影，但撑不起一个行业。
六 | 当下，情绪价值正在重塑消费的底层逻辑。
七 | 它可以成就一匹黑马，也可能扭曲一个行业的价值导向。
八 | 对于电影行业而言，真正的课题不是如何复制《牛来》的奇迹，而是如何让“好内容被看见”成为常态，而非依赖热搜的偶然垂青。 毕竟，观众可以用29块9买一场猎奇的笑声，但他们更渴望的，始终是一部真正值得被讨论的好电影。 ｜总策划：俞岚 ｜策划：周锐 ｜统筹：王庆凯 ｜执笔：查志远 ｜责编：程春雨 ｜校对：黄蕾 ｜“三里河”工作室出品。
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